Union of the Inca Royal Family With the Houses of Loyola and Borgia Backgrounds

The following coauthored indigenous tale about 2 lovers—an Inca ñusta (princess), Chuquillanto, and a humble shepherd, Acoytapra—was recorded effectually the turn of the seventeenth century in colonial Peru. The story's pregnant is layered, having been written and illustrated past two people of vastly different backgrounds: the drawings by a native Andean homo and the writing past a Spanish friar. Although the images complement the text past illuminating events in the written tale, the creative person applies his knowledge of the native Andean belief organization and Inca visual civilization by inserting additional meanings into the illustrations and communicating visually what the Spanish author cannot. Fifty-fifty though both authors eventually arrive at the same decision—that Acoytapra and Chuquillanto'south relationship is impossible—each values this upshot for singled-out reasons. Their diverging interpretations of the legend aid the states to encounter how each author engaged with the story to farther his own credo and mission. Furthermore, the illustrator'southward role in the retelling of this myth shows how an indigenous artist and writer negotiated his relationship with Castilian government and asserted his indigenous cognition in a colonial context.

Below is a summary of the tale Ficción y suçesso de un famosso pastor llamado el gran Acoytapra con la hermossa y discreta Chuquillanto, ñusta, hija del sol (Legend and account of a famous shepherd named the cracking Acoytapra with the cute and discreet Chuquillanto, princess, daughter of the sun).¹

Ane twenty-four hours, as the shepherd Acoytapra was disposed his herd, he was unexpectedly approached by 2 daughters of the sun. The eldest, Chuquillanto, was drawn to the shepherd, who wore on his brow a canipu (silver pendant) with an paradigm of two aradores (plowers)² eating a heart. He told Chuquillanto it was called an utusi, which the narrator explains may be slang for the genital member, an one-time discussion invented past lovers. She was intrigued past his strange ornament and talked to her sister about the shepherd until arriving back at the palace.

That night, Chuquillanto had no appetite and idea endlessly almost the shepherd. When she finally vicious asleep she dreamt that a nightingale flew to her lap and spoke to her. Chuquillanto explained to the bird that she could simply be cured of what ailed her if she pursued her love for the shepherd, only that her father would kill her if she did. The nightingale told her not to worry, instructing her to go into the courtyard and sit down in the middle of the 4 crystalline fountains, which represented the four provinces of the Inca Empire (fig. 1). One time there, she was to sing out her woes, and if the fountains responded by joining in her vocal, the nightingale explained, then she could surely do as she wished. She awoke and immediately went to exercise as the bird counseled, and the fountains responded favorably.

Fig. 1.

Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala (Peruvian, d. after 1616). Chuquillanto's dream betwixt the iv crystalline fountains. From Martín de Murúa, Historia del origen, y genealogía real de los reyes ingas del Piru, 1590, Galvin MS, fol. 145v. Private drove.

Meanwhile, the shepherd was suffering from profound desire for Chuquillanto. After playing his flute sadly, he roughshod to the basis and cried. Sensing that he was ill, Acoytapra's mother journeyed to his hut during the nighttime. She arrived at sunrise to find her sleeping son bathed in tears. When Chuquillanto and her sister arrived that morn, seeking the shepherd, they institute simply the old adult female (fig. 2, lower portion), as she had ordered her son to hide inside her walking stick when she saw the ii ñusta (princesses) approaching. Chuquillanto, in her decency, did not dare ask to see him. While at his hut, Chuquillanto admired the female parent's cane, which was elaborately busy and of special value, and asked to take it. The one-time woman obliged. Chuquillanto had no way of knowing that Acoytapra had hidden within the stick.

Fig. ii.

Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala (Peruvian, d. after 1616). Chuquillanto and her sister arrive at the shepherd's hut and observe the old adult female (lower portion); Acoytapra kneels at the pes of Chuquillanto's bed (upper portion). From Martín de Murúa, Historia del origen, y genealogía real de los reyes ingas del Piru, 1590, Galvin MS, fol. 146v. Private collection.

When Chuquillanto returned to her palace that night, the doormen searched her as they ever did. The guards were cautious considering they had heard stories of women sneaking their lovers into the palace in their belts or in the chaplet of their necklaces. But they idea zip of the walking stick, and she was immune to enter. Equally Chuquillanto lay in bed, Acoytapra recovered his human grade and called to her (fig. 2, upper portion). Chuquillanto was startled but shortly hugged him and covered him in her elaborate lipi blankets and cumbi (fine cloth).³

The next morning, Chuquillanto and Acoytapra escaped toward the mountains, pursued by a guard (fig. 3). They ran until they were so tired that they brutal asleep. Hearing loud noises in their dreams, they awoke and were nearly instantly converted to stone. They formed role of the mountain range Pitusiray and can be seen today from the towns of Calca and Guallabamba (fig. 4).⁴

Fig. three.

Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala (Peruvian, d. afterward 1616). Chuquillanto and Acoytapra escape the palace and are followed past a guard. From Martín de Murúa, Historia del origen, y genealogía real de los reyes ingas del Piru, 1590, Galvin MS, fol. 147r. Individual collection.

Fig. iv.

Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala (Peruvian, d. later on 1616). Chuquillanto and Acoytapra are converted to rock in the mountain range, Pitusiray, above the towns of Calca and Guallabamba. From Martín de Murúa, Historia del origen, y genealogía real de los reyes ingas del Piru, 1590, Galvin MS, fol. 147v. Private collection.

This fascinating Inca tale appears in the final pages of Martín de Murúa'south Historia del origen, y genealogía real de los reyes ingas del Piru. De sus hechos, costumbres, trajes, y manera de gouierno (History of the origin and royal genealogy of the Inca kings of Republic of peru, of their deeds, community, clothing, and manner of governing), dated 1590 and known every bit the Galvin manuscript.⁵ The story predates the arrival of the Spaniards in Peru. Information technology was sustained through oral tradition amid the residents in and around Cuzco and continues to be told to this day. In the 1970s, Alfonsina Barrionuevo was informed of the connected existence of this tale in local myth amidst communities in the Sacred Valley.⁶ However, a detailed record does not exist, making this sixteenth-century illustrated account a disquisitional document for understanding it.

Until very recently, little was known well-nigh Murúa'south life outside of what is gleaned from the manuscripts described hither. Thanks to a recent genealogical study, an astonishing quantity of details about Fray Martín de Murúa's life and family has come to light.⁷ The friar was born and raised in the Basque village Eskoriatza, in the province of Guipúzcoa, in northern Spain to a family unit of average means. The exact engagement of his inflow to Peru is uncertain, though by 1588 he was in Cusco.⁸ His manuscript of 1590, at present in the individual collection of Seán Galvin in Republic of ireland, is considered the initial draft for the 1613 volume, Historia general del Piru, that resides in the J. Paul Getty Museum'south manuscripts collection.^ix Murúa does non offer an caption for why he includes this legend (what he refers to equally ficción) at the end of this manuscript, which otherwise details the history of the Inca kingdom before and subsequently the inflow of the Castilian. He returned to Spain in 1615 to deliver the completed manuscript, but tragically roughshod sick and died merely 30-two days after returning to his hometown of Eskoriatza.^x The post-obit twelvemonth, his 1613 manuscript, Historia general del Piru, was received at the Palacio Real in Madrid.¹¹

The artist responsible for the beautifully manus-painted illustrations in Murúa's 1590 manuscript was a native Andean named Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala (ca. 1535–ca. 1616). In 1615, Guaman Poma completed his own twelve-hundred-page illustrated chronicle of Republic of peru, El primer nueva corónica i buen gobierno, in which he condemned the corrupt colonial government imposed by the Spaniards and recorded Inca history in calorie-free of the Christian beliefs he had adopted.¹² The literary and cultural historian Rolena Adorno notes that equally "a mestizo by culture (merely non by race), Guaman Poma would have been known as an indio ladino, that is, every bit someone who was presumably adept in Castilian, Christian in belief, and Hispanicized in custom."¹³ Despite Guaman Poma's biculturalism and familiarity with Western conventions, including command of European artistic techniques, he felt strongly about promoting his cultural heritage and championed certain traditional Andean social structures that, as I will demonstrate hither, supported his personal calendar.

Guaman Poma'due south motives for creating Nueva corónica were multifaceted. On the one mitt, his express reasons for writing the manuscript were for the greater good of his swain Andeans and to end injustices committed by the colonial regime. The manuscript's opening statement articulates his want to produce a teaching document that can lead to greater harmony: "Said chronicle is very useful and beneficial, and information technology is useful for improving the life of Christians and infidels akin."^xiv On the other hand, Guaman Poma had more than personal motives. In an analysis of self-portraits in Nueva corónica by the art historian Lauren G. Kilroy-Ewbank, we see how Guaman Poma was personally invested in establishing his own elite condition in guild to prove to King Philip Iii that he was qualified to be a royal adviser in service to the Crown in the viceregal authorities and that he was the legitimate heir to territory he had lost in a legal dispute.¹⁵ Over several months in 1600, a decades-long dispute over territory in the valley of Chupas almost the colonial city Huamanga (today, Ayacucho) concluded unfavorably for Guaman Poma.¹⁶ He had claimed to be a cacique principal or kuraka (Andean lord) and rightful heir to the Chupas territory.¹⁷ In the cease, he was exiled from Huamanga for two years and criminally prosecuted for falsely challenge he was a noble entitled to these lands.¹⁸ Guaman Poma's lack of success in the legal dispute equally well as in achieving his political aims largely resulted from his inability to prove his ties to purple ancestors.¹⁹ During the colonial period, the Spanish administration supported the pre-Hispanic kuraka system of hereditary descent from Inca royalty, making it all the more than disquisitional that Guaman Poma successfully make these claims.²⁰ Kilroy-Ewbank demonstrates ways in which Guaman Poma cunningly weaves "biblical, historical, and genealogical information together [to position] his family as having social, political, and even indigenous advantage over those who could merits whatsoever lesser heritage."²¹

To write these comprehensive manuscripts would have required years of research and data collection likewise equally extensive travel to many parts of Peru, providing opportunities for the two authors to meet and begin collaborating.²² That Murúa was not the sole contributor to the Galvin manuscript is clear. An in-depth codicological analysis past Rolena Adorno and Ivan Boserup surveyed the production of the manuscript, identifying contributions of multiple hands, including that of Guaman Poma. His contributions to the manuscript are substantial—ninety-nine extant drawings, including the illustrations in the love story, are attributed to him, many of which he annotated with glosses in his distinctive cursive lettering.²³

Effectually 1600, the relationship between Murúa and Guaman Poma appears to take ended sourly.²⁴ Neither author explicitly addresses having worked together or the reasons they parted means, but nosotros are acutely aware of Guaman Poma'due south disapproval of Murúa from passages in Nueva corónica in which he describes the priest every bit calumniating and corrupt.²⁵ In one such case, in a affiliate on priests' wrongdoings, Murúa is portrayed chirapsia an ethnic elderly person over the head, with the accompanying caption, "Mercedarian Friar Morúa. They are so bad-tempered and strict and abuse the Indians and make them work past chirapsia."²⁶

Though Guaman Poma's contribution to Murúa's manuscript was mainly artistic, it is critical for interpreting the ficción of Chuquillanto and Acoytapra. His ostensibly uncomplicated illustrations each correlate to a moment in the narrative, and despite the fact that the text and illustrations suggest alternate interpretations of the myth, every bit discussed below, both Guaman Poma and Murúa ultimately conclude that the couple'due south relationship cannot be sustained, as both the text and the images depict their conversion to stone. However, a critical look at Guaman Poma's illustrations provides reasons for this outcome that are based on specific knowledge of Andean gild and cosmology. In her pivotal work analyzing patterns in drawings in Nueva corónica, Rolena Adorno finds prove of an Andean system of spatial signification in the compositions of Guaman Poma's illustrations that adds layers of pictorial pregnant.²⁷ Past applying critical findings from previous scholarship and by comparing the composition and content of Guaman Poma'southward illustrations of Chuquillanto and Acoytapra—particularly their placement in relation to each other (see figs. 2–4)—with images in his own manuscript, Nueva corónica (explored beneath), nosotros are able to gain insight into how gender and form were perceived in indigenous Andean culture, helping to interpret the upshot of this beloved story.

According to Andean cosmovision, the universe was given human attributes and divided into two interdependent, sexed spheres.²⁸ Gender typically assumed a right-left organization, in which the male person occupies the correct side and the female the left. This dynamic is noted in Joan de Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yamqui Salcamaygua's 1613 representation of the Inca creation from an interior wall of the Coricancha (Temple of the Sun) in Cuzco (fig. 5).²⁹ This diagram conspicuously depicts the conceptual or proper right side (viewer'due south left) as masculine, represented past the sun, the planet Venus as the morning star, and the man (in that gild from height to bottom); and the left side (viewer's right) every bit feminine, represented by the moon, the evening star, and the woman.³⁰

Fig. five.

Joan de Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yamqui Salcamaygua (Peruvian, fl. early on 1600s). Andean universe as depicted in the Coricancha in Cuzco. From Joan de Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yamqui Salcamaygua, Relación de antiguedades deste reyno del Pirú, 1613, fol. 13v, in Tres relaciones de antigüedades Peruanas (Madrid: Ministerio de Fomento, 1879), facing p. 257.

Adorno argues that in his drawings in Nueva corónica, Guaman Poma routinely composed the pictorial infinite in accordance with the Andean cosmological worldview, including the male person (right)/female (left) ordering.³¹ An illustration of planting customs, for example, shows the masculine-feminine binary by the presence of the lord's day and the moon in their respective places to the right and to the left, aligned with the man and the women direct beneath them (see fig. 7).³² However, Chuquillanto and Acoytapra do not represent an ordinary gendered pair, and this message is clear in the composition of the concluding image where the couple appears as mountains to a higher place the towns of Calca and Guallabamba (see fig. 4). Guaman Poma assures that the viewer sees that their human relationship does not conform to the natural order of things by placing her on the masculine side and him on the feminine side. He is telling u.s.a. visually what Murúa confirms in writing: this human relationship cannot be.

The Inca idealization of the cosmos was also reflected in their political and social organization, in that all relationships had to be in harmony with certain spatial paradigms.³³ Complementary relationships—oppositional forces with equally significant, yet dissimilar, functions—were of utmost importance. The Inca Empire, called Tahuantinsuyu (meaning "iv parts together"), was divided into the four provinces of Chinchaysuyu, Collasuyu, Antisuyu, and Cuntisuyu, with the capital urban center Cuzco at the eye. Cuzco was socially, conceptually, and geographically organized into hanan (upper) and hurin (lower), the sometime conceptualized as superior to the latter, though one did not supplant the other in importance because their simultaneous being created a complementary human relationship.³⁴ In his map drawing Pontifícal mundo, Guaman Poma applies this spatial human relationship to the afar kingdoms of Cuzco and Castile, expressing their inextricable relationship to each other, while situating Cuzco and its surrounding cities in the upper hanan position and Castile in the lower hurin position (fig. 6).

Fig. 6.

Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala (Peruvian, d. subsequently 1616). Pontifical globe: The Indies of Peru and the kingdom of Castile. From Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala, El primer nueva corónica i buen gobierno, 1615, GKS 2232 4°, fol. 42 [42]. Copenhagen, Det Kongelige Bibliotek.

One of the best examples of how couples worked complementarily on specific tasks is seen in planting rites. Guaman Poma depicted planting as gendered through his employ of symbolic spatial arrangement (fig. 7). Indeed, planting was one of the near important gendered activities in Andean gild; the men used a special excavation stick chosen a taki chaclla to make a hole in the footing, where the women and so placed the seeds.³⁵ This simple, even so critical, sectionalisation of duties is the beginning step in the production of food, which sustains the community. Focusing on the artistic potential of these planting rites, the art historian Carolyn Dean proposes that planting was a metaphor for sexual intercourse: as the cultivator, the man opened the (female person) earth and the adult female planted the seed.³⁶

Fig. seven.

Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala (Peruvian, d. subsequently 1616). Planting rites in December, the calendar month of the lord, the Lord's day. From Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala, El primer nueva corónica i buen gobierno, 1615, GKS 2232 iv°, fol. 1165 [1175]. Copenhagen, Det Kongelige Bibliotek.

In the social realm of everyday life, preconquest Andean men and women had duties and responsibilities that were rigidly separated merely balanced. Matrimony served many crucial social functions among the Inca; it was the rite of passage into machismo and represented the unity of 2 opposites coming together and forming a consummate pair.³⁷ Therefore, whether marriage united a poor or an elite couple, it created what was, at the foundation of Andean society, the bones social unit. Dean notes that Guaman Poma, like people living in the Andes today, "conceived of the bridal pair every bit a complementary unit," one "whose duties and conduct insured the continuity non only of their lineages, but of the community and—more broadly—the cosmos itself."³⁸

In Adorno's studies of Guaman Poma'due south drawings in Nueva corónica, she constitute that the spatial division is not simply between left and right; it also involves the hanan and hurin principles of upper and lower. She argues that this diagonal relationship between the conceptual upper right (viewer'south upper left) and lower left (the viewer's lower right) is a visual tool for showing hierarchical relationships, in which the figure on the conceptual right is in the dominant position.³⁹ This hierarchy is expressed not only along gender lines, as in the planting drawings; relationships of religious dominance, political dominance, and hierarchy in worship between gods and humanity are also portrayed.⁴⁰ An example of this can be plant in Guaman Poma's illustration Avadez Maior (Head Abbess), which depicts a caput nun standing piously over another nun who kneels in front of her, head bowed (fig. 8). The spatial limerick described by Adorno in this illustration is evident, every bit the dominant effigy occupies the upper left side of the paradigm—the place of authorisation. Guaman Poma complements the composition with a gloss in a higher place the second nun's head, which states obedencia, or obedience. Significantly, this composition is repeated in Guaman Poma's self-portrait with the Castilian king, Philip III (fig. 9). In this paradigm, titled Pregunta su M[ajestad], responde el autor (His Majesty Asks, the Author Responds), the Andean author kneels before the rex in an imaginary in-person presentation of the completed chronicle.⁴¹ Guaman Poma uses this diagonal limerick to show what he understands to be natural and respectable hierarchical relationships.⁴²

Fig. 8.

Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala (Peruvian, d. after 1616). The abbess stands higher up a nun. From Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala, El primer nueva corónica i buen gobierno, 1615, GKS 2232 iv°, fol. 482 [486]. Copenhagen, Det Kongelige Bibliotek.

Fig. 9.

Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala (Peruvian, d. after 1616). His Majesty Asks, the Writer Responds. From Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala, El primer nueva corónica i buen gobierno, 1615, GKS 2232 iv°, fol. 961 [975]. Copenhagen, Det Kongelige Bibliotek.

We note a like dynamic in the images of Chuquillanto and Acoytapra. In the upper portion of figure 2, Acoytapra kneels at the foot of Chuquillanto'due south bed, clearly bold the subordinate position in this cartoon. His easily are even pressed together as if in prayer or supplication, evocative of countless illustrations in Nueva corónica depicting worship in either Christian or indigenous religious practices. The composition of this illustration would be platonic if the intention were to portray a commoner with a deity, but the hierarchical human relationship depicting Chuquillanto in the hanan position of authority is problematic considering that they are supposed to be lovers on equal footing. Visually the signal is made twofold: reversing the male/female positions signals they are not a complementary pair, while Chuquillanto'due south placement in the upper-right quadrant indicates that she holds the power.⁴³ Because Acoytapra is considerably poorer, and Chuquillanto is a ñusta and therefore a person of high status, there is no take chances for a truly complementary relationship.⁴⁴ He would e'er exist below her, and she above him, therefore violating the social code. In fact, matrimony outside of one's social class was so preposterous that only union between social equals was legitimate.⁴⁵

Though non explicitly stated in Murúa's text, Chuquillanto is not only a ñusta but also an aclla, a called woman or virgin of the sun. Together with other women, she lives in a guarded palace, which Andean audiences would have recognized every bit an aclla huasi, or "house of the chosen women." When the two sisters first appeared earlier the shepherd, he was so stunned that he dropped to his knees, believing he was in the presence of divinity—a attestation to the degree to which aclla were celebrated and admired across the region. Aclla occupied an important role in the Inca country faith. Often the daughters of nobility, they were hand-selected by inspectors who annually surveyed the provinces for chaste young girls to live semicloistered in service of the sun, the chief Inca god. There were different tiers of aclla; those at the very acme were lifelong devotees to the cult of the sun, leading religious ceremonies as priestesses.⁴⁶ There were besides novices who lived among the aclla to learn their trades, particularly, weaving and the preparation of special foods. As Sir Clements Markham notes, princesses and daughters of nobles were often sent to exist educated in the aclla huasi, and at the end of the 3-year trial period, if they did not commit to lifelong service as an aclla, marriages were arranged for them. Markham goes on to explain that those who pledged to stay in service of the sun wore white with aureate garlands on their heads and traveled with an armed escort.⁴⁷ Chuquillanto'south power to roam freely during the twenty-four hours and her attire of carmine and yellow with a checker-patterned tunic—every bit seen in Guaman Poma'southward illustrations (see fig. 3)—suggest that she was not a consecrated aclla. It is plausible that Chuquillanto was in fact an Inca maiden of royal lineage, or a ñusta, as Murúa states, living among the aclla as a novice.

While the union of a poor shepherd and a daughter of nobility alone would have violated a social taboo, Chuquillanto's position among the aclla (novitiate or otherwise) makes their coupling even more forbidden. Guaman Poma visually communicates this socially uneven (and potentially unlawful) human relationship in the analogy of Acoytapra kneeling beside Chuquillanto's bed (come across fig. 2) by reversing the composition so that she occupies the dominant upper right, and he the inferior lower left.

From this pictorial analysis, we can see that Guaman Poma utilizes his knowledge of native traditions in order to communicate, visually, what Murúa cannot attain with his writing. A person who is unfamiliar with Andean idea can only speculate equally to the reasons for the couple's transformation to stone at the end of the myth. One may, for example, read it biblically, recalling the story of Lot's wife in the Former Testament (Genesis 19). God converted her into a colonnade of salt for looking back on the burning city of Sodom. By figuratively "yearning to return" to the sinful city, Lot's wife was punished. Without the information provided by Guaman Poma, Murúa, a Cosmic priest, might interpret Chuquillanto and Acoytapra's consequence as a penalization for uniting out of wedlock or for sexual wrongdoing. However, from the creative person'southward visual cues we understand the cause of their conversion to stone to be both a disparity in social standing and a rupture of societal norms.

Even if Murúa had understood the intricacies of the Inca social code and union practices that prevented a ñusta from being with a commoner and required that aclla remain celibate, it is unlikely that he understood this to be the reason the couple was punished. Throughout the text, Murúa makes sensual references hinting that the writer was disquisitional of the unsanctioned union of the couple. Although Murúa is arguably a priest with a cracking interest in eroticism, having advisedly described naked aclla before in the manuscript,⁴⁸ the frequency with which he interjects sexual innuendos in this tale gives the impression that he is trying to make a indicate most premarital sex.

1 fashion Murúa does this is past using Quechua words that he may not fully empathize. During their beginning meeting, Chuquillanto asks Acoytapra about a silver charm called a canipu that hangs from his forehead. The ornament contains a ambiguous cartoon of ii plowers (people who plow the land) eating a middle. Chuquillanto has never seen this kind of adornment earlier and asks the shepherd what it is called. Acoytapra responds that it is his utusi, a word whose meaning the narrator admits he does not know but which he speculates might have been invented long agone by lovers to hateful "genital member."⁴⁹ And so she holds his utusi and recalls it when she thinks of him longingly. This unexplained and seemingly free mention of genitals sets the tone for subsequent sexual references.

On multiple occasions, Acoytapra is described playing his flute. In one such scene, he is thinking about Chuquillanto's beauty and how badly he desires "to feel and enjoy the ultimate stages of love"⁵⁰ when he decides to take out his flute and play it. When he is finished, he is overwhelmed by a tremendous awareness and falls to the basis and cries.⁵¹ This dramatic episode is an apologue for masturbation. Only because in this moment Acoytapra becomes gravely sick, as readers we are to empathise that his deportment were incorrect and, therefore, conduct terrible consequences.

By interconnecting sexual beliefs with suffering, the Spanish priest is commenting on the immorality of Acoytapra'southward desire for Chuquillanto and subsequent masturbation. Phallic references are fabricated again when Acoytapra is later transported magically to his lover's bedside by means of a stick that Chuquillanto holds in her mitt. Finally, the night before they are turned to stone, they sleep together in Chuquillanto'south bed. In order to emphasize that the couple had sexual relations, Murúa repeats one final time that immediately before they were transformed to stone, they laid together to rest.

Murúa'south objective to communicate that the couple was sexually involved is clear, and he likely would have construed the ending as punishment for "inappropriate" behavior. All the same, a native reading of these same events proves more complex, primarily considering premarital sex in preconquest Peru was not only permitted merely encouraged in nearly cases.⁵² Earlier couples married, they customarily lived together for a period of time. As the Jesuit priest Pablo José de Arriaga noted in his 1621 discourse on the extirpation of idolatry, "Another common abuse amidst the Indians of today is to accept carnal knowledge of each other several times before marriage, and it is rare for them non to practice and then."⁵³ This "trial matrimony" served an of import social function: it was designed to ensure that a marriage succeeded both socially and reproductively.⁵⁴ In the case of the aclla, however, virginity was a requisite, and violating this rule was so grievous that past some colonial accounts it was punishable by death. For instance, in his 1553 account, the chronicler Pedro de Cieza de León describes four acllas sentenced to decease along with their sexual partners, the four doormen tasked with guarding them.⁵⁵ From a native reading, therefore, premarital sex activity solitary is not plenty to explain the couple's punishment; rather, Chuquillanto's disobedience and disrespect of the institution of the aclla could have been the transgression that caused them to be turned to stone.

Some other way to approach a native reading of this love story is to consider the significance of stone in Andean culture. The Inca recognized certain stones and rock formations as embodying life force, or "essence," known every bit kamay. These worshipped rocks, called huaca (or waka), were oftentimes meaning natural features in the landscape, like mountains or large rocks. In her all-encompassing research on the significance of stone in Inca culture, Dean observes that "sacred 'remembered' rocks" have stories attached to them that are passed down through generations, noting that in Andean oral history there are copious instances of animate beings converting to stone and conversely, of rocks coming to life.⁵⁶ For the Inca and other ancient Andean peoples, "landscape was a memoryscape wherein rocks and other natural and built formations were actors in known narratives."⁵⁷ An important ancestor, for example, might transform into a huaca at expiry, occupying a permanent place in the landscape, and therefore venerated for years to come.⁵⁸ The legendary honey story recorded by Murúa is 1 such narrative. The mountain range, with its two petrified lovers, is a perpetual reminder of aboriginal ideals and expected social behaviors.

Murúa was not the only priest at the plough of the seventeenth century interested in recording native inhabitants' oral testimonies concerning stone. In 1608, Father Francisco de Ávila took a particular involvement in recording the simi (mouth language) of villagers in a large expanse effectually Lima, and compiled this series of narratives into what scholars phone call the Huarochirí manuscript.⁵⁹ Frank Salomon and Jorge L. Urioste explicate that de Ávila's interest in myths was probably driven by a want to reconceptualize the stories through writing, often in club to insert Christian messages.^lx Although he was rigidly opposed to ancient "idolatrous" religious practices of the descendants of the Huarochirí people, he managed to tape an incredible number of historical-mythical tales in a dialect of Quechua with the assistance of native informants and scribes.⁶¹

One tale from the Huarochirí manuscript resembles the story of Acoytapra and Chuquillanto in that information technology concludes with two characters transforming into natural features in the landscape. However, instead of lovers, they are a mother and child who become rock islands simply off the Pacific declension. All the characters in this tale are mythological ancestor-deities. They are, yet, described in the manuscript as huacas—the term often used to refer to personages in their petrified state.

The story is well-nigh a beautiful goddess, Caui Llaca, who prided herself on her independence. Male huacas fought over her, but she intended to stay a virgin.⁶² Cuni Raya Vira Cocha, a very important huaca who enjoyed disguising himself as a beggar, devised a cunning programme to marry Caui Llaca. One day, as she sat beneath a tree, Cuni Raya turned himself into a bird and magically injected his semen into a fruit, which ripened and fell at Caui Llaca's side. Upon eating it, she became meaning. After the infant was built-in, she gathered all the men together to make up one's mind who was responsible for her pregnancy. When Caui Llaca discovered the father was a haggard peasant, she was mortified. To escape such a disgrace, she ran to the sea with her child, where they transformed into ii rocky islands. Cuni Raya unmasked himself and chased after her, but she never looked dorsum to find his true identity.⁶³

This Huarochirí story differs in plot from the tale of Acoytapra and Chuquillanto simply is like in theme. Fifty-fifty though Caui Llaca used her powers of transformation to escape, she ran into the ocean because she believed that the begetter of her child was a peasant. She preferred to spend eternity as a stone rather than face the culling: beingness paired with someone of much lower standing. Salomon recognized this imbalance also when analyzing the unpredictable nature of water personified by Cuni Raya who, through trickery, prompted an irregular spousal relationship that "upset the normal social and productive arrangements."⁶⁴ Caui Llaca acted courageously in defense of her award by voluntarily petrifying herself and her child to conserve social norms.

In such legends, petrification is usually the final stage; even so, Dean reminds us that lithification is not necessarily permanent, as exemplified in the famous legend of the puruawqa stones coming to life as soldiers to defend Cuzco in boxing.⁶⁵ Though less frequent than stories nearly conversion to stone, stories in which stones jump to life lend to the concept that stones sustain life in a fixed country with a potential to reanimate.⁶⁶ Following this line of inquiry, if petrification signaled the suspension of life (rather than an stop), as Dean argues, then Chuquillanto and Acoytapra's conversion to stone may be a way of immortalizing them while taking from them the possibility of reproduction. Every bit living people, they cannot fulfill social obligations to their community; however, immobilization in the mural is a way to suspend their existence and evade death without disturbing the social order. In Dean's analysis of the fable of Caui Llaca and Cuni Raya Vira Cocha, she reasons that petrification brings an end to a woman'south reproductive abilities.⁶⁷ In this context, eternal break every bit adjoining mountains might exist the but way for Chuquillanto and Acoytapra to stay together without procreating and thereby bringing imbalance to society—the best possible outcome for everyone involved.

The underlying endorsement of purity of bloodlines reflected in the to a higher place tales recalls Guaman Poma's opposition to interbreeding between Andeans and Spaniards. He blamed the increasing mestizo population for a diminishing Andean race, to the extent that Guaman Poma advocated for racial segregation to prevent racially mixed pregnancies.⁶⁸ This stance is a reoccurring theme throughout Nueva corónica—he bemoans repeatedly that "the Indians of this kingdom exercise not reproduce, just mestizos, and there is no remedy."⁶⁹ Earlier the Spanish conquest, ability and wealth were tied to birth, a circumstance that quickly changed in colonial club.⁷⁰ Guaman Poma believed in modes of Inca governance that relied on a traditional dynastic construction. By all accounts it appears that Guaman Poma believed that if classes and races remained rigidly divided, he would detect himself on the winning side. As Joanne Pillsbury and other scholars have noted, between the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries numerous individuals claimed descent from Inca emperors, every bit Guaman Poma did, to seek privileges and improve their continuing in colonial gild.⁷¹ In this way, Guaman Poma's preservation of Inca pictorial hierarchies in the illustrations to the honey story of Chuquillanto and Acoytapra is consistent with his wider aim to maintain traditional grade divisions from which he benefited.

Applying what is known of Guaman Poma'south pictorial conventions from existing scholarship to his illustrations in Murúa'due south manuscript and the significance of stone in Inca civilization, I argue that Chuquillanto and Acoytapra's relationship was restricted not considering of Christian notions of immorality just for social reasons. In order to be together, 2 people must exist social equals capable of performing distinctly gendered roles to the same degree. Acoytapra's lack of status made it impossible for him to pursue a wedlock to Chuquillanto. Guaman Poma, like other native Andeans, would have readily recognized the forbidden circumstance facing the ii lovers. Whether or not their petrification is viewed every bit a "fin desdichado" (unhappy catastrophe), as Murúa asserted,⁷² is debatable. Even so, nosotros can see that Murúa'due south focus on sexual relations out of wedlock is a gross oversimplification of the complexities encapsulated in this tale.

This legend sustains an important societal platonic—one that Guaman Poma was also smashing to defend. Every bit an Andean man seeking to establish his own elite status, demonstrating to the Spanish Crown (a culture that shared this ideal) that he personally upheld the critical function of wedlock amid elites would have helped support his claim that he was the descendant of Inca royalty on his mother's side and of a pre-Inca dynasty on his father's side.⁷³ His inability to testify the noble condition he alleged posed major obstacles in his life. Nearly noticeably, information technology prevented him from securing the disputed land in Huamanga, since his claim to noble condition was discredited. However, this challenge of self-representation was also, from his perspective, what prevented the Spanish male monarch from recognizing his qualifications to hold a mail advising colonial authorities. As Kilroy-Ewbank so astutely notes, Guaman Poma sought to cease Andean suffering and abuses but was too determined to ameliorate his ain social station in the viceregal Andes and aspired to be the Spanish king's right-mitt man.⁷⁴ Guaman Poma's delineation of himself addressing Male monarch Philip Iii (fig. nine) underscores this point: he portrays himself not only in a self-aggrandizing face up-to-face up encounter with the king only also with his right hand raised as if he is lecturing the monarch. This resolute gesture is repeated dozens of times throughout Nueva corónica, often when religious figures pontificate or superiors command their subordinates, much similar the depiction of the Head Abbess (run into fig. 8). Though indirect when compared with his bold self-representation in his ain chronicle, the action of illustrating this particular tale in Murúa'due south manuscript is another example of how Guaman Poma shrewdly asserts the Andean societal norms that farther his larger mission.

Passed down through oral tradition, the tale of Chuquillanto and Acoytapra has survived in Peru for hundreds of years since Murúa outset recorded information technology. The story's multivalence is a reminder to to approach its interpretation with caution, while simultaneously encouraging a deeper multidisciplinary analysis. The legend lonely is replete with information about Andean traditions and Inca order, revealing a bully deal virtually marriage practices, religious institutions, notions of complementarity, and the cultural significance of stone. By infusing the illustrations with his indigenous knowledge of Andean order and cosmology, Guaman Poma draws readers' attending to unwritten aspects of the legend that are disregarded past Murúa'south recasting of it as a unproblematic morality tale. The dually authored nature of this illustrated myth introduces nuances and complication through the subjective realities of the two authors—their ideologies, experiences, prejudices, and ambitions—that are largely dictated by their positions within the colonial context in which they live. Ultimately, Guaman Poma's application of Inca visual culture was not just an artistic selection or an artifact of his mixed preparation but a deliberate strategy to add complication to Murúa'southward simplified and Christianized account with layers of meaning that reassert Guaman Poma'southward Andean heritage.

Notes

Alicia Maria Houtrouw is a senior content producer at the Getty Enquiry Institute.

1. This is my own translated and condensed version of the tale. In Murúa'south manuscript, it is nigh 2,100 words long and written in Castilian, with occasional words interjected in Quechua. For the transcription of the tale, see Juan 1000. Ossio, ed., Códice Murúa: Historia y genealogía de los reyes incas del Perú del padre mercenario fray Martín de Murúa: Estudio, vol. 1 (Madrid: Testimonio Compañia Editorial, 2004), 247–52. Images reproduced in the paper (figs. 1–4) are from the facsimile in this edition (vol. 2). Many variant spellings accept been noted for the shepherd, including Acoytapia, Acoitapra, Aqonaytrapa, Aqoyturpo, and Acoyanapa; I utilize the spelling recorded in Ossio'southward 2004 transcription.

ii. The give-and-take used past Murúa is aradores. The Castilian noun arar means "to plow;" although odd, Murúa is most likely referring to people who plow the world. Sir Clements Markham wrote an English translation of the tale in his book Incas of Peru (London: Smith, Elder, & Co., 1910), 408–14, and but referred to them as "ii figures."

3. The Quechua term cumbi refers to an exceptionally finely woven material by cumbicamayo (skilful cumbi weavers) in royal workshops. Murúa himself collected cumbi while living in Republic of peru and, every bit Juan Ossio explains, "had an excessive fondness" for these textiles and fabricated numerous references to them in both the Galvin and the Getty manuscripts. Run into Juan G. Ossio, "Murúa's Two Manuscripts: A Comparison," and Elena Phipps, Nancy Turner, and Karen Trentelman, "Colors, Textiles, and Creative Production in Murúa'southward Historia General del Piru," in The Getty Murúa: Essays on the Making of Martín de Murúa's "Historia General del Piru," J. Paul Getty Museum Ms. Ludwig Thirteen 16, ed. Thomas B. F. Cummins and Barbara Anderson (Los Angeles: Getty Research Institute, 2008), 84–85 and 125–32, respectively.

four. Murúa adds at the finish that he has seen them many times in this mountain range: "El uno y el otro fueron convertidos en piedra y el día de hoy se parecen las dos estatuas desde Guallabamba y desde Calca, y de otras muchas partes eastward yo lo he visto muchas veces. Llamáronse aquellas sierras Pitusíray, y así se llaman hoy en día." Ossio, Códice Murúa, 1:252.

5. Martín de Murúa, Historia del origen, y genealogía real de los reyes ingas del Piru. De sus hechos, costumbres, trajes, y manera de gouierno, 1590, Galvin MS, fols. 144r–147v, private drove. The title folio of the manuscript is dated to 1590, but it was subsequently enhanced and altered for more than a decade. For details, see Ossio, "Murúa'south Two Manuscripts: A Comparison," 77.

half-dozen. Barrionuevo gleaned this information from the parish priest Maximiliano Rendón upon visiting him in Písac before 1979. Rendón had a passion for native legends and even indicated that the aclla huasi in which Chuquillanto lived was believed to be in the town Yucay. Alfonsina Barrionuevo, personal communications with the writer, Baronial 2018, and Juan M. Ossio, in chat with the author, xiv November 2007.

7. Due to the groundbreaking written report by the prominent Basque genealogist F. Borja de Aguinagalde and the subsequent article by Juan Ossio, astounding new details well-nigh Murúa'due south life and family take recently surfaced. Among the about unexpected (and controversial) details to be uncovered by this research is the baptismal record that indicates he was built-in in 1566—much later than previously presumed. If the birth engagement is accurate, the Mercedarian priest would accept been merely twenty-four years old when he completed the manuscript, and xiv years old in 1580, when he was presumed to exist instruction the doctrine in Capachica, Peru. See F. Borja de Aguinagalde, Un misterio resuelto: El autor de la "Historia Full general del Perú," Fray Martín de Murua (1566?–1615), de Eskoriatza (Guipúzcoa: Philobiblon, 2017); and Juan Ossio Acuña, "A propósito del misterioso mercedario Fray Martín de Murua," Colonial Latin American Review 27, no. ii (2018): 280–89.

8. Lisl Schoepflin has uncovered a Mercedarian Society notarial record dated 15 September 1588 from Cusco that includes Murúa'southward signature in her dissertation in progress titled, "Inca Basque Peru: The Murúa Manuscripts in Colonial Context" (PhD diss., Academy of California, Los Angeles, forthcoming).

9. Martín de Murúa, Historia general del Piru: Origen i deçendençia de los yncas: Donde se trata, assi de las guerras civiles suyas, como de la entrada de los españoles, descripción de las ciudades y lugares del, con otras cosas notables, 1616, Ms. Ludwig XIII 16 (83.MP.159), J. Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles. The story of Acoytapra and Chuquillanto is also included in this manuscript, although in a dissimilar part (between books ane and 2) and without illustrations. For a transcription of this subtly dissimilar version of the ficción in the Getty manuscript, see Fray Martín de Murúa, Los Amores de Acoytapia y Chuquillanto y otras narraciones, ed. Ricardo Silva-Santisteban (Lima: Editorial San Marcos, Universidad Nacional, 2009), 25–32.

x. Ossio Acuña, "A propósito del misterioso mercedario Fray Martín de Murua," 287.

11. Barbara Anderson and Thomas B. F. Cummins, introduction to Cummins and Anderson, The Getty Murúa, one.

12. A digitized version of the chronicle is available electronically via Det Kongelige Bibliotek (Regal Library of Denmark) at www.kb.dk/permalink/2006/poma/info/en/frontpage.html. See also the printed edition: Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala, El primer nueva corónica i buen gobierno [1615], ed. John V. Murra and Rolena Adorno, trans. Jorge L. Urioste, three vols. (Mexico: Siglo Veintiuno, 1980). Hereafter, I will refer to Guaman Poma's chronicle in the shortened class, Nueva corónica.

thirteen. Rolena Adorno, Writing and Resistance in Colonial Peru (Austin: Academy of Texas Press, 2000), xliv.

14. "La dicha corónica es muy útil y prouechoso y es bueno para emienda de uida para los cristianos y enfieles," Guaman Poma, Nueva corónica, fol. 1 [1]. See besides Adorno, Writing and Resistance, 66; and Lauren Chiliad. Kilroy-Ewbank, "Fashioning a Prince for All the World to Come across: Guaman Poma's Self-Portraits in the Nueva Corónica," The Americas 75, no. ane (2018): 61.

fifteen. Kilroy-Ewbank, "Fashioning a Prince," 47–94.

16. Adorno, Writing and Resistance, xxxvi–xxxvii.

17. Adorno, Writing and Resistance, xxv–xxix; Kilroy-Ewbank, "Fashioning a Prince," 61; and Joanne Pillsbury, "Inka Unku: Strategy and Design in Colonial Republic of peru," Cleveland Studies in the History of Art 7 (2002): 80–95.

18. Adorno, Writing and Resistance, xxii–xli.

19. Kilroy-Ewbank cites Guaman Poma's letter to Philip Iii in 1615, in which he "proclaims he is an 'hijo legítimo' (legitimate son) of 'Capac apo don Martín Guaman Malque de Ayala … segunda persona y su virrey de Tupac Inka Yupanqui' (capac apo [Quechua: Second Person to the Sapa Inka] don Martín Guaman Malque de Ayala … the second person and viceroy of Tupac Inka Yupanqui)." Letter from Guaman Poma to King Philip III, 1615, Archivo General de Indias, Audiencia de Lima, 145; cited in Kilroy-Ewbank, "Fashioning a Prince," 66.

20. The kuraka organization existed from the mid-sixteenth century until it was abolished in 1783. Adorno, Writing and Resistance, xxiii; Pillsbury, "Inka Unku," 68–103; and Kilroy-Ewbank, "Fashioning a Prince," lxxx.

21. Kilroy-Ewbank provides many examples of how Guaman Poma does this through words and images, including referring to himself with the noble Spanish title "Don" and adorning himself in self-portraits with a combination of high-status wearable that tied him to both the Spanish elite and powerful Andean ancestors. Kilroy-Ewbank, "Fashioning a Prince," 91.

22. Adorno'southward introduction to the 2nd edition of Writing and Resistance tracks the references to Guaman Poma'due south activities between the 1560s and 1600. Written accounts, often recorded by the author himself, particular his fourth dimension spent in the provinces of Huamanga, Lucanas Andamarca, Soras, and Aymaraes, with multiple trips to Lima and Cuzco. Ossio suggests that both chroniclers began to compile data for their respective manuscripts during the 1580s, and worked collaboratively into the beginning of the seventeenth century when their human relationship dissolved. Adorno, Writing and Resistance, 11–lxi; and Ossio, "Murúa's 2 Manuscripts: A Comparison," 78, 84.

23. Rolena Adorno and Ivan Boserup, "The Making of Murúa's Historia General del Piru," in Cummins and Anderson, The Getty Murúa, 17–24. For an assay of Guaman Poma's calligraphy, see Valerie Fraser, "The Artistry of Guaman Poma," RES: Anthropology and Aesthetics, no. 29/30 (1996): 269–89.

24. Ossio, "Murúa'due south Two Manuscripts: A Comparison," 78.

25. Murúa never mentions Guaman Poma directly. Ossio cites five occasions in which Guaman Poma refers to Murúa disparagingly (fols. 521, 625, 661, 662, 920, and 1090) in Cummins and Anderson, The Getty Murúa, 78, 93n12.

26. My translation of "Fraile Merzenario Morva. Son tan brabos y justiciero y maltrata a los yndios y haze trauajar con un palo en este rreyno en las dotrinas." From Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala, El primer nueva corónica i buen gobierno, 1615, GKS 2232 iv°, fol. 647 [661], Copenhagen, Det Kongelige Bibliotek.

27. Adorno, Writing and Resistance, 89.

28. Carolyn S. Dean, "Andean Androgyny and the Making of Men," in Gender in Pre-Hispanic America, ed. Cecelia Klein (Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks, 2001), 150; and Irene Silverblatt, Moon, Sunday, and Witches: Gender Ideologies and Form in Inca and Colonial Peru (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987), vii, 20.

29. While exemplifying the Andean masculine-feminine binary, Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yamqui Salcamaygua (a Christianized Andean human, similar Guaman Poma) fabricated this drawing in the early on seventeenth century—prompting us to wonder if the Christian perception of left and right is influencing the artist'due south rendition of the blueprint he claims was on a wall in the Coricancha. It is interesting to note the organization in iconography of The Last Judgment, in which Christ'southward raised right hand and lowered left hand also create a diagonal, with the saved occupying the upper right (dexter) and the damned the lower left (sinister). For varying perspectives on Andean and Christian elements in Pachacuti's diagram, compare Dean, "Andean Androgyny," 148–50, with Duviols'south commentary in Joan de Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yamqui Salcamaygua, Relación de antiguedades deste reyno del Piru [1613], ed. Pierre Duviols and César Itier (Lima: Institut français d'études andines, 1993). See likewise Adorno, Writing and Resistance, 91; and Silverblatt, Moon, Sun, and Witches, 41–45.

30. Throughout this paper, I refer to pictorial space from the perspective of the figures within the depicted environment (i.e., "proper right" and "proper left") for ease of comparison to broader concepts of right and left. Annotation that from the viewer's perspective, however, the left and right sides are reversed. Dean, "Andean Androgyny," 150; Adorno, Writing and Resistance, 91; and Silverblatt, Moon, Lord's day, and Witches, 41–45.

31. See Adorno, Writing and Resistance, 105; see pp. 89–119 for Adorno's full discussion of "symbolic values of pictorial space."

32. Adorno, Writing and Resistance, 99–106, 109.

33. Adorno, Writing and Resistance, eighty–120; Dean, "Andean Androgyny," 143–82; and Silverblatt, Moon, Sun, and Witches, 20–39.

34. For a word of hanan and hurin divisions in Cuzco, see Andrew James Hamilton, Scale and the Incas (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2018), 194–95, 199–205. In relation to Guaman Poma'south Mapamundi del reino de las Indias, see Adorno, Writing and Resistance, 89–99, and Dean, A Culture of Stone: Inka Perspectives on Rock (Durham, N.C.: Knuckles Academy Press, 2010), 104.

35. Dean, "Andean Androgyny," 160.

36. Dean, "Andean Androgyny," 160, 169, 172.

37. Silverblatt, Moon, Sun, and Witches, eight–xv.

38. Dean, "Andean Androgyny," 158, 161.

39. Adorno, Writing and Resistance, 99.

40. Adorno, Writing and Resistance, 99–106.

41. Guaman Poma, Nueva corónica, fol. 961 [975]; the glosses over the illustration read, "PREGVNTA SV M[agestad], RESPONDE EL AVTOR, DON PHELIPE EL TERzero, rrey monarca del mundo / Ayala el autor / Presenta personalmente el autor la Corónica a su Magestad."

42. Adorno, Writing and Resistance, 99–106. In add-on, Adorno argues that Guaman Poma uses this reversed composition to express misguidedness and disorder, which was exceedingly common nether the "astern" colonial government. Adorno, Writing and Resistance, 106–14.

43. Co-ordinate to Adorno, Guaman Poma indicates disorder or misguidedness when the male person (right) / female (left) is reversed on the horizontal axis. Adorno, Writing and Resistance, 99–106, 109.

44. Even inside the text there are hints that Chuquillanto is the dominant of the two. Throughout the story, she actively takes initiative, start by finding Acoytapra, and so past looking for him at his house, and finally by carrying him out of the palace within the walking stick during their escape. When the two figures are illustrated on an equal aeroplane, she is purposefully shown in the lead, every bit seen in figure 3.

45. Juan M. Ossio, "Guaman Poma: Nueva corónica o carta al rey, un intento de aproximación a las categorías de pensamiento del mundo andino," in Ideología mesiánica del mundo andino: Antología, ed. Juan 1000. Ossio (Lima: Edición de Ignacio Prado Pastor, 1973), 181.

46. The type of aclla a adult female became was determined by her social origins, her talents for certain crafts, and her beauty—and she was grouped accordingly in one of several aclla huasi. See Maria Rostworowski de Diez Canseco, History of the Inca Realm (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 176. As noted past Rostworowski, co-ordinate to the Spanish soldier and chronicler Pedro Pizarro, only the aclla occupying the superlative tier (yurac aclla) remained virgins. Pedro Pizarro, Relación del descubrimiento y conquista de los Reinos del Perú [1571], ed. Guillermo Lohmann Villena and Pierre Duviols (Lima: Pontifica Universidad Católica del Perú, 1978). For details on the novitiate, come across Markham, Incas of Peru, 107–8.

47. Markham, Incas of Republic of peru, 107, 124. The Quechua-language play Ollantay, which Markham includes in his publication, also describes acllas equally wearing white with gold diadems and/or belts: 375, 382.

48. Juan M. Ossio, "Inquiry Note: El original del manuscrito Loyola de Fray Martin de Murua," Colonial Latin American Review 7, no. 2 (1998): 271–78.

49. The meaning of the word utusi is a mystery. Murúa himself says, "que hasta agora no hemos sabido que significación tenga este vocablo … y algunos quieren decir que Utusi significa el miembro genital, vocablo que enamorados antiguamente inventaron." Ossio, Códice Murúa, 1:249.

fifty. "le hacía sentir y querer gozar de los últimos fines de amor, y con este pensamiento topó su flauta y empezó a tocarla tan tristemente, que duras piedra enternecía." Ossio, Códice Murúa, 1:250.

51. "Y en acabando de tocarla, fue tan grande el sentimiento que hizo, que cayó en el suelo amortecido [… ], virtiendo infinitas lagrimas." Ossio, Códice Murúa, i:250.

52. Richard Toll, "Trial Marriage in the Andes," Ethnology 4, no. three (1965): 310–22; Ward Stavig, Amor y violencia sexual: Valores indígenas en la sociedad colonial (Lima: IEP Ediciones, 1995), 59–61; and Silver blatt, Moon, Sun, and Witches, 102.

53. Pablo Joseph de Arriaga, The Extirpation of Idolatry in Peru, trans. and ed. L. Clark Keating (Lexington: Academy of Kentucky Printing, 1968), 55; Stavig, Amor y violencia sexual, 59–61; and Silverblatt, Moon, Dominicus, and Witches, 102. Both Stavig and Silverblatt cite chroniclers Arriaga and Pizarro to affirm this claim. Pizarro asserts that prior to marriage the fathers of young women did not care whether their daughters "fuesen buenas o malas … ni lo tenían por deshonra estrellos" (were adept or bad … nor did they consider that beliefs shameful). Pizarro, Relación del descubrimiento, 240.

54. Cost, "Trial Matrimony in the Andes," 310–22; and Stavig, Amor y violencia sexual, 59.

55. "Y cuentan que cuatro de ellas usaban feamente de sus cuerpos con ciertos porteros de los que guardaban; y siendo sentidas, fueron presas y lo mismo los adulteradores y el sacerdote mayor mandó que fuesen justiciadas ellas y ellos." Pedro de Cieza de León, La crónica del Perú el señorío de los Inca, ed. Franklin Pease K. Y. (Venezuela: Biblioteca Ayacucho, 2005), 389. Run into Silverblatt, Moon, Sun, and Witches, 101.

56. Dean, Civilisation of Stone, 3, 36, 62. For more on Kamay (or Camay), meet Frank Salomon and Jorge 50. Uioste, "Introductory Essay: The Huarochirí Manuscript," in The Huarochirí Manuscript: A Testament of Ancient and Colonial Andean Faith (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1991), 16.

57. Dean, Culture of Stone, 37.

58. Dean, Civilisation of Stone, 35–55.

59. Frank Salomon and Jorge L. Urioste, The Huarochirí Manuscript: A Attestation of Aboriginal and Colonial Andean Religion (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1991), 2; Salomon explains that the term simi was glossed by the Spanish Jesuit priest and scholar of Quechua Diego González Holguín in 1608. See Diego González Holguín, Vocabulario de la lengua general de todo el Perú, llamada lengua qquichua o del Inca (Lima: Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, 1989), 326.

lx. Salomon and Urioste, Huarochirí Manuscript, 2.

61. Salomon and Urioste, Huarochirí Manuscript, 1–38.

62. I use huaca here to maintain the language used in the Huarochirí tale. Francisco de Ávila sought to eradicate Andean religion by demonstrating information technology as idolatrous, which may be why he so strongly emphasizes that these deities are huacas. Salomon and Urioste, Huarochirí Manuscript, two.

63. My summary of Salomon and Urioste, "How Cuni Raya Vira Cocha Acted in His Ain Age. The Life of Cuni Raya Vira Cocha. How Caui Llaca Gave Nascency to His Kid, and What Followed," in idem, Huarochirí Manuscript, 46–l.

64. Frank Salomon, "How the Huacas Were: The Linguistic communication of Substance and Transformation in the Huarochirí Quechua Manuscript," RES: Anthropology and Aesthetics, no. 33 (1998): 15.

65. Dean, Culture of Rock, 39, 49.

66. Dean, Culture of Rock, 5, 25–64.

67. Dean, Culture of Stone, 36; and Dean, "Andean Androgyny," 170.

68. Adorno, Writing and Resistance, xlii.

69. "Y ací no multiplica yndios en este rreyno, cino mestizos y mestizas y no ay rremedio." Guaman Poma, Nueva corónica, 565 [579]. Adorno notes that there are dozens of anti-mestizo passages throughout Nueva corónica. Adorno, Writing and Resistance, xli, xlii, 111.

lxx. Pillsbury, "Inka Unku," 68–103; come across as well Adorno, Writing and Resistance, xxiii.

71. Pillsbury, "Inka Unku," 80–81.

72. In Murúa's unillustrated narration of the legend in his subsequent manuscript, Historia general del Piru (1616), a new chapter header marks the starting time of the second half of the story almost the lovers' wedlock and subsequent conversion to stone. The affiliate header reads: "Del fin desdichado que tubieron los amores de Acoitapra y Chuquillanto." Murúa, Historia general del Piru, bk. 1, chap. 92.

73. Kilroy-Ewbank, "Fashioning a Prince," 66.

74. Kilroy-Ewbank, "Fashioning a Prince," 63–64.

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